Dawn

Dawn

Friday, April 30, 2021

Thoughts from Pontevedra, Galicia, Spain: 30.4.21

Night’s candles are burnt out, and jocund day stands tiptoe on the misty mountain tops


Spanish life is not always likeable but it is compellingly loveable

- Christopher Howse: 'A Pilgrim in Spain' 


NOTE: Info on Galicia here. Detailed info on Pontevedra coming (relatively) soon

 

Covid  


As with the article cited on aerosols yesterday, we're now beginning to see the predicted retrospective overviews of the pandemic and reactions to it. Here's one such article from the Lancet medical journal,


Vaccines: Good to read that Europe's vaccine rollout is picking up the pace, though the process remains uneven. The highest percentages come from Eastern Europe, where recourse was made early on to the Russian and Chinese variants.

 

Spain: Here's how the jabbing is proceeding here in Spain. Good luck with the graph. 


Cosas de España 


If you want to make a Spaniard fall backwards in shock, try telling him/her that notaries don't figure in your life back home or that you don't have a 'family book'. On the latter, it seems that very soon Spaniards won't have these either. Well, not in their present form, as another bit of Spain leapfrogs the 20th century and enters the 21st. Everything will be on a computer, meaning, of course, that nothing at all will go wrong.


Here's a useful report on the tax implications of home-working for a foreign company in Spain. I endorse the advice that: Both employees and businesses need to be wary of the Spanish tax authorities. This is probably because they can be as arbitrary as anything else in Spain and getting a clear official opinion on, say the application of Model 720, can be a fruitless task. Which is very possibly why it's said only a very small percentage of people covered by it have actually complied with it. Plus the fact the EU Commission has declared bits of it to be illegal.


April 1 saw the earliest date on which Brits without official residence in Spain could be deported for exceeding the time now allowed to them, post Brexit. But the Spanish government has pooh-poohed tabloid claims it's targeting Brits without the right bits of paper. And during April there've been no reports of deportations or targeted searches here. Which is a shame, as there must be some shady Brits on the Costa del Crime who merit being sent back to Blighty.


Cousas de Galiza


Portugal will open its border with Spain tomorrow. Pretty academic for us, though, as the Galician government will fine us if we try to cross it.  Contrast those in Valencia and Andalucia. Maybe from May 9 for us.


After chasing both my medical centre and the Galician health authority, I'll finally have my first jab next Monday. If this blog doesn't appear on Tuesday and thereafter, you'll know why . . .


The UK


The UK has cricketing metaphors where a written constitution ought to be. Pit British democracy, with its reliance on good manners and fair play, against a landslide majority won by a smash-and-grab prime minister who drives out permanent secretary after permanent secretary and the fight is hardly fair. Stage it against the backdrop of a global pandemic, which requires decisions to be made without the usual scrutiny, and it stands no chance whatsoever. Instead you get the VIP lane to provide expensive PPE that turns out to be unusable, texts from No 10 to tycoons offering favourable tax treatment for ventilators and a former prime minister messaging colleagues on behalf of his new employer. The same bunch who pretended to hate the state now try earnestly to leech off it. Careless people, as Fitzgerald portrayed them, although he could add one qualification. They care a lot – just not about you and me.


Of course, Trump showed that a paranoid narcissist could do the same sort of thing even where there's a written Constitution


AEP is positive about something - Scottish economic success after independence. But only if it doesn't join the EU. See the article below.


The UK and The EU 


UK citizens in the EU: What you need to know.

  

Germany


The Greens to the fore. Maybe. Months to go before the test.

 

France


Emmanuel Macron has unveiled a phased lockdown exit plan, aiming to fully reopen the country by June 30. but medics warn it is way too ambitious, given the current infection rate. Not to mention 300 deaths per day.


It's reported that Brits with a 'health pass' will be able to visit France from June 9. Not sure I'd want to.


The Way of the World 


Watching this TV ad, I wondered how long it'd be before carrot eaters - like wine buffs - insist on knowing exactly what field the produce was grown in. And others will want to know that all the cows have had their own 'personal vet'.


Finally  . . .


Both the sparrows and the greenfinches have again all disappeared from my garden. Is this down to the (pregnant?) cat which is trying to get me to adopt it, and which presented me with 2 dead shrews yesterday?


THE ARTICLE   


An independent Scotland could flourish – as long as it doesn't join the EU. Only viable course for an independent Scotland is to go it alone as a small, agile economy with its own currency and economic institutions: Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, The Telegraph


Nicola Sturgeon cannot have her cèic and eat it. She cannot proceed with a unilateral vote on Scottish independence and then join the EU as a sovereign state. 


The two are incompatible. The only circumstances in which Spain would lift its veto on EU accession is if Scotland secured independence by proper constitutional process, and even that would be uncertain under the hardline Rightist constellation of parties likely to win the next Spanish election.


Nor would Italy wink at a Rhodesian-style declaration of independence, given the latent irredentism of the Sudtirol; nor France with her Corsican problem; nor Slovakia or Romania with their Hungarian enclaves. There was a time when the EU flirted with separatist causes - some egging on the Quebecois - but that era of jejune romanticism is over. 


It should have sent a shiver down Sturgeon’s back when MEPs stripped the exiled Catalan leader of his immunity earlier this year, opening the way for Carles Puigdemont to be returned eventually to Castilian justice - joining other political prisoners in the Gulag. 


These prisoners include two Catalan cultural activists facing 13 years for sedition, over behaviour that can only be described as peaceful disobedience. Amnesty International said the Spanish supreme court had “criminalised legitimate acts of protest”. At first, the EU turned a blind eye. Now its institutions are actively complicit.


For Scotland to go unilateral is to become a pariah state, shut out of the global capital markets, and forced by events into scorched-earth retrenchment. But to argue that Sturgeon’s threat lacks credibility is not to argue that her request for an IndyRef2 should be rejected, if pro-independence parties win a majority in the Scottish parliament. 


She is right to claim that Brexit has changed the constitutional order. It would be toxic statecraft to try to hold the Scottish people against their will. The longer Boris Johnson stalls on a second vote, the worse it will get.


Whatever the polls suggest now, the mood is likely to change as it becomes clearer that the EU would force a European Scotland to erect a hard border against England, leading to the same onerous customs clearance procedures enforced at Dover, but with relative damage and disruption for Scotland that is an order of magnitude greater. 


It would become clearer that the economic case for independence has deteriorated since that benign moment in 2014, when life was so comfortable and the stars were at least partially aligned for the nationalists. It should also be clearer after the Brexit divorce deal that Scotland cannot walk away from its share of the UK national debt and launch its endeavour “debt free”, as the SNP asserted last time.


What none cares to admit in nationalist circles is that a hard Brexit necessarily means an even harder Scoxit, unless the country gives up on its quest for EU membership. Had Theresa May succeeded in keeping in the EU customs area, the SNP would have landed in the economic sweet spot, or at least as sweet as could be achieved.


There would have been no hard border along the Tweed. Yet the UK would have left the single market. Scotland could then have joined the EU in a far stronger position, still enjoying unfettered goods trade with England, but also enjoying financial EU passporting rights and able to leverage its banking skills to become the bloc’s new money hub. 


The great mystery of this saga is that Sturgeon’s troops in Westminster voted against the May bill. Did they not understand the gift that May was naively offering them?


Those of us who excoriated Brexit’s Project Fear as a misuse of state machinery for propaganda, should not fall into the same trap of cherry-picking subjective data to browbeat the Scots. Personally, I have no doubt that Scotland could make a great success of independence with the right policies.  


While North Sea oil is in terminal run-off - bar a final hurrah in the early 2020s - the plummeting costs of offshore wind, energy storage, and electrolysis for green hydrogen could render renewables just as valuable within a decade. Scotland could become a green mini-power, offering near limitless zero-carbon electricity for industry and transport at the lower end of the European cost scale.


Nor do I doubt that Scotland could become an admired, prosperous, and self-governing country along the lines of New Zealand. But to get there it has to behave like New Zealand, which restored viability with the shock therapy of "Rogernomics" in the 1980s after the country’s over-regulated and over-taxed economy ran aground. 


Within a decade the country had turned itself from the closed interventionist state of the Muldoon model into the poster child of free market globalism, with a floating currency to take the strain. 


In short, Scotland would have to overthrow the Sturgeon model and return to the libertarian doctrines of the early SNP, or at least adopt the sort of radical shake-up proposed by entrepreneur Sir Tom Hunter and Oxford Economics in Raising Scotland’s Economic Growth Rate. 


What Sturgeon is offering is more welfare spending out of a shrinking fiscal base - a base that will shrink a further 5pc of GDP the day that UK subsidies are cut off. Catalonia is at least a net contributor to the Spanish government.


Unfortunately, it is impossible to avoid Project Fear II to a degree because Scottish national finances have greatly worsened since the last referendum, and even since Andrew Wilson called for budget discipline in his candid Growth Report in 2018. The figures today are utterly dire.


The underlying structural deficit has widened towards 10pc of GDP due to lower oil revenues and rising spending. The Institute for Fiscal Studies says it might have reached 25pc last year had it not been from the broader shoulders of the UK Treasury.  


The Maastricht requirement for EU accession is a deficit sustainably below 3pc. Brussels might bend the rules a bit if the money is spent on high-multiplier investment, but not if it is spent on social transfers. Furthermore, Scotland would be a net payer into the EU budget unless it had impoverished itself in the meantime.  


Sturgeon has not answered any of the questions that blighted the IndyRef campaign in 2014. Confusion over the interim currency remains. The pretence that Scotland would continue to use sterling fools nobody in the markets. The eurozone debt crisis demonstrated that states are defenceless in a liquidity crisis if they do not have their own sovereign currency and central bank acting as lender-of-last resort.


Shadowing sterling would be possible only if Scotland had amassed huge foreign reserves to back-stop liabilities - which would then be denominated in a foreign currency - but for the Scots to build this war chest this would require even more austerity, and is in any case rendered prohibitive by recent fiscal slippage.


Ultimately, EU membership means joining the euro, and first the fixed exchange system, which would leave Scotland in currency misalignment with UK and US trade flows. This muddle was spelled out long ago in Choose Your Poison: the SNP’s Currency Headache by These Islands, the forum of Scottish pro-union economists. Nothing has changed since.


A study in February by the London School of Economics concluded that the damage from Scottish independence would be two to three times greater than the hit from Brexit, given Scotland’s extreme trade dependency on the UK. It exports four times more to the rest of the union than it does to Europe.


I do not take academic guesswork as Gospel but Sturgeon does, since she cited the same LSE model when it made grim forecasts on the costs of Brexit. She is now bereft of answers, dishing out rosy half-truths in much the same way as the Brexiteers once did.


The only viable course for an independent Scotland under the current circumstances is to forget about the EU and to go it alone as a small, agile, global economy, armed with its own currency and economic institutions, yet also in maximalist free trade with the UK and closely aligned with North America. But that is to blow apart the SNP’s entire rationale for an IndyRef2. 


The larger question remains. Why is Scotland’s leadership so besotted with an EU that is hostile to regional separatism, that has inflicted an economic depression on southern Europe a decade ago, and that has shown once again in the vaccine debacle that it is administratively dysfunctional? There is another world out there, comrades.

1 comment:

Perry said...

Scotland needs England more than they care to admit. In 2011, every Scot received £1600 more per annum than the English.
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2031543/UK-government-spending-Scots-1-600-year-spent-English.html

I think the figure is considerably more now.

The Barnett formula is used by the UK Treasury to calculate the annual block grants for the Scottish government, Welsh government and Northern Ireland executive. It therefore determines the overall funding available for public services such as healthcare and education in the devolved nations.

In 2019/20, the Barnett block grant amounted to £32bn in Scotland, £16bn in Wales and £12bn in Northern Ireland (before adjustments to account for tax devolution). This reflects differences in population size as well as the range of devolved public services in each nation.

https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainers/barnett-formula