Spanish
life is not always likeable but it is compellingly loveable.
-
Christopher Howse: A
Pilgrim in Spain.
Life
in Spain
- The French president this week said that France was the only major economy in the Europe Union that has not beaten mass unemployment. As someone has commented, M Macron seems to be unaware that the jobless rate is 11.3% in Italy and 17.1% in Spain.
- I cited a list of Spanish curses and swearwords on Wednesday. As it happens, I've just read this in a novel about a family in Mojácar, recommended to me by Lenox Napier of Business Over Tapas, who's lived there or thereabouts for more years than he'd probably care to admit. It's a comment on the wife of the main character:- His mother had only one defect, stemming from her past. And, despite the efforts of his father, she hadn't been able to overcome it over the years. It was true that she didn't drink alcohol or smoke, despite having done so as a young woman. She'd also kept her pre-marriage to his father never again to sing or dance in public. But she'd never been able to control her tongue. She swore constantly, even to the extent of blaspheming, wheresoever and in front of whomsoever. Nothing was ever perfect: "I shit on god and the virgin!" or "I curse the milk that Jesus sucked!" were phrases just as much in daily use as "Fucking communion host!" and "Cunt!" and so on . . . Quite a woman, then.
- See below for my second day of dealing with Spanish bureaucracy.
In the USA in 1960, 5% of Republicans and 4% of Democrats said they'd be displeased if their son or daughter married a member of the other party. In 2010, the percentages were 49 and 33 respectively. Which rather fits with the article below on the deterioration of public discourse in the UK.
Guess with which word the folk of Wisconsin have greatest difficulty spelling. Yes, it's Wisconsin. According to Google Trends, anyway.
There was an interesting new development on Facebook yesterday. Not one but two (very) scantily dressed young women said to be living here in Galicia (Ourense and Ribadesella) invited me to become their friend and offered me their web pages. Needless to say, I didn't take up either of these and 'reported' the ladies to FB. I wonder if anything will happen.
Finally . . . For those readers confused as to why I and other Brits aren't give a plasticised residence card (tarjeta de residencia) as ID here in Spain, here's the explanation I gave last night to my La Coruña friend, Eamon: What happened is that several years ago a group of stupid Brits protested against being forced to have an ID card. So the Spanish government said, "OK. You can have/keep your NIE number but we'll stop giving you cards and give you just a certificate." This doesn't have a foto and says explicitly on the top of it that it can't be used to prove identity. Instead, Brits have to carry a passport or a driving licence or the like. Cards ceased to be issued after 2011 or thereabouts but I kept mine and have still used it since then. In 6 years, only one person - a notary - queried it, after noticing it had expired. Luckily, I had on file a colour copy of both sides of my card. So, yesterday I cut the bits out and glued them together, and then had the 'card' laminated. I used it 4 times this morning to prove my identity. As you say the NIE number is the same as it was on the tarjeta de residencia and as it is on the (useless) A4 size certificate now given to Brits instead of same. I wish I knew who the stupid Brits were so that I could put a contract out on them. Reader Sierra has opined that they were the original moaning, non-integrating Brexiteers but, then, I've begun to suspect from his comments that he has a rather one-dimensional idea of those who want the UK out of the EU. Perhaps less so after he's read the article below.
Today's Cartoon:
Today's Cartoon:
MY
ODYSSEY: CHAPTER 2
10.30: I
set out for town, armed with my new (fake) ID card and the 5 copies of
all the documents I made on Thursday morning.
10.40: I
present the Xunta/Sergas form to the woman in La Caixa bank, along
with the €10.10 payment for a new national/regional health
insurance card. Naturally, she asks to see my ID. She then stamps the
3 copies of the form and tells me one is for me and one is for my
medical centre. I have to go back there and give them this so a
new card can be sent to me. I guess this is because no one is trusted
to take the cash there and so avoid me having to go back and forth.
But I am happy because I have today done in a couple of minutes what
I wasn't able to do in 30 minutes in the BBVA bank the previous day. And didn't even
try to do in Santander.
10.45: I
present my new debit card to the bank's ATM and am relieved to
finally get some of the cash I need to pay back my about-to-arrive
daughter. I am now even happier.
10.47: On
the way out, I realise this isn't the bank that I waited in 15
minutes the previous day. That was the next-door A Banca. No wonder
the woman there was non-plussed when I asked about their current
account and - thinking I was in one of their branches - stressed that
my daughter was happy with La Caixa bank.
10.55: I
present myself at the library and ask re a new card. Naturally, I'm again asked for my ID and then given a form to fill in, even though my
details are on the computer – as we've just established after the
usual confusion as to which are my names and which is my surname. I
fill in the form and return it to the librarian. She then asks me for
a photo. Needless to say, I am prepared for this but wonder why on
earth it's necessary for something as trivial as a library card.
She takes it, writes something on the back of it and then gives me
the good news that I will get it back when I come to collect my new
card next week. I am overjoyed but tell her it hardly matters as I
have 20 of them.
11.15: I
go again to Banco Popular to see if I can talk to one of my previous
advisers about returning to Popular/Santander. One of them is there
this time but is with a client. So I take one of her cards and say
I'll write to her.
11.25: I
present myself to guy in Mapfre and ask for a new health insurance
card. He asks for my ID, enters the computer and then gives me
certificate with all my details on and advises the new card will be sent
to my house. He then reminds me we've chatted before about car and
house insurance. I fob him off with an assurance I'll come and talk
to him again next April, when my car insurance comes up for renewal.
He gives me his card.
12.04: I
take a ticket from the machine at the (crowded) office of El
Tráfico, so that I can enquire about an appointment next week to
seek a new driving licence. It has the iconic number 1066. . . After
20 minutes I'm called to the Information desk. The woman there
tells me I need to phone to make an appointment or to go on the web
page. She gives me the number and the URL typed on a little bit of
paper. This obviously isn't the first time she's done this. I tell
her I've tried on the web page but fallen foul of the fact that I
don't have an electronic ID. To my pleasant surprise she asks for my
ID, goes onto her computer and then – after a chat with 2 of her
colleagues about something unrelated – she gives me two A4 pieces
of paper. One is details of my appointment next Friday and the other
is the form to fill in. Another success. Sometimes – well, nearly
always – it's a good policy in Spain not to take No for an answer.
Unfortunately, this is the standard passive Brit approach. Which I've
learned to slough off.
12.45: I
arrive at my regular bar and order my breakfast of a coffee and a
slice of cake. All in all, it's been quite a successful morning. And
I can relax until Monday, when I will go back to the medical centre
and to the railway station to try to get a duplicate of my discount
card ahead of taking the night train to Madrid in a week or so.
I am most
happy that my fake ID card has been accepted 4 times in one morning.
But I had expected that, based on the experience of the last 6 years.
Now – advised by reader María - I'm contemplating doing the same
with my (expired) driving licence. Apparently the police are happy to
use this to check on their computer that I have a current licence.
Meaning I don't have to pay to get another one until the expiry date
on it. Whatever that is.
THE ARTICLE
Our national political
discourse has reached a new low: I name the three guilty parties
Naively, after the
referendum, I thought it would improve. Instead, it’s getting worse
by the day.
Political debate has become noxious in Britain, from the
Cabinet table to the kitchen table.
Politics has always
been fractious. In recent times, however, it’s become truly
ghastly. One could trace this trend back to any number of causes, but
high on the list of culprits must be the fashion for “safe spaces”.
These were meant to be
there for serious, personal matters – the shrink’s couch, the
doctor’s office, the battered women’s shelter. But now, pious
university students have expanded the idea much further, making it a
guiding principle for public debate.
A hallmark of this
trend is that the politically active surround themselves exclusively
with affirmation and agreement, allowing them to dismiss challenging
views as hurtful, malevolent or simply idiotic.
This requires
citizens to become neurotics, whereby political opponents are not
people of alternative experiences and attitudes, but agents of
corrupt influence, peddling their evil ideas in bad faith.
Depressingly, the
current Cabinet seems to be living up precisely to this image,
fighting their bitter battle for power in plain sight.
Scale it up and you
have a whole nation believing the worst of its neighbours. You have
student “equality” officers, like Jason Osamede Okundaye at
Cambridge University, who can declare, apparently without irony, that
“all white people are racist”.
You have the efforts of
Momentum, the Corbynista activist brigade, whose latest video invites
us to hate a well-to-do family of English hypocrites as they quaff
prosecco and criticise ordinary people for liking Corbyn over dinner
in a suburban garden. Text periodically flashes up: this one
inherited money from his father, it says. He’ll be first against
the wall, it means, but doesn’t say.
It would be comforting
to think that this is a disease confined to the Left. But it isn’t
any more, if it ever was. The Brexit campaign helped to spread it on
the Right, too. Leave campaigners made a deliberate choice to impugn
the motives of all who favoured Remain not because they really
believed that every Remainer was, at heart, a corrupt shill in the
pay of Brussels, but because it polled well.
They took a germ of
truth (that the liberal establishment was locked into a pro-EU
groupthink) and turned it into a widespread calumny. This presented
the referendum as a straightforward choice between virtue and sleaze,
rather than a decision between various principles and risks.
Now, with the battle
for Brexit still going at full throttle, a certain minority of the
Brexiteers have morphed from Eurosceptics into Eurocynics. Rather
than casting a sceptical eye on politics, as befits a sophisticated
voter, the Eurocynic judges every move by the reductionist philosophy
of “us” (the true believers) and “them” (the quislings).
In this outlook, Brexit
gradualism cannot possibly be the product of calculated trade-offs in
a very complex situation, but part of what Nigel Farage calls “the
great Brexit betrayal”. This conveniently ignores the voices of
many reasonable Brexiteers, like Michael Gove, who are trying to
deliver Brexit in a cost-efficient and legally sound manner. As with
the hard Left, the priority is ideological purity, not sound policy,
and to disagree is treason.
This doesn’t exist in
isolation, of course. There is now another, newer group of purists
entering the fray, the group I currently find most galling, perhaps
because of their novelty and prevalence in London, where I live.
These are the self-defined “centrists”, or the rabid “stop
Brexit” types, who have forgotten that “the centre” isn’t
just where you wish it to be; it relates to what people in the
country actually think.
These anti-Brexiteers
seem determined to marginalise themselves by their breathtaking
displays of contempt for anyone who disagrees with them. Whereas the
hard Leftist deploys shame and the Eurocynic talks of betrayal, the
rabid “centrist” shuts down debate with sheer derision. Her
opponents are dismissed simply as morons – or racists. What makes
this group all the more irritating is that they aspire to ideals that
their behaviour routinely contradicts. They are, in theory, open to
debate and nuance. They say they are guided by evidence and facts.
Being proved wrong, however (on the immediate Brexit recession, for
example), does not even give them pause. Fixated on the lies told by
Brexit campaigners, they are hardly conscious of the long, grand lie
of the EU, which claims that it isn’t trying to build a superstate.
Having so much credibility staked on their position, they cannot back
away.
This position is not
just guided by facts, though. It’s a profoundly emotional reaction
to losing control of our politics, a deep-seated sense of unease
about the values and mores of their countrymen and an anxiety about
what they see as an attack on their identity as global citizens.
Being the most
internationally connected, this group both feed and are fed by a
similar contempt for Britain abroad. God knows, with our government
making such a fool of itself, this isn’t hard to find – but it
goes beyond mere mockery.
When foreigners
proclaim that Britain is about to start institutionally persecuting
Poles or stifling judicial independence, these hard Remainers believe
and propagate these absurdities, filled with fear of their own
country, which they barely know.
This, then, is the
state of our public discourse: three Balkanised groups hating one
another. The majority might well lie between them, the people of all
stripes who remember how to engage meaningfully with their political
opponents, but they are shouted down by the fervent extremes.
The toxic atmosphere is
making reasonable people withdraw. The soft leftists I know are
leaving politics. Brexit-divided families have banished political
chat from the dining table. Encountering a dogmatic specimen of any
type, I myself have become reluctant to engage, weary of the tidal
wave of opprobrium coming my way.
This isn’t good for a
democracy. It is no doubt enabled by sophisticated technological
tools allowing us to build our own online, echo chambers. Everyone
needs to commiserate with their political compatriots sometimes. But
beliefs aren’t sacrosanct.
They must be argued
for, rather than being protected by the delusion that all dissenters
are cruel, stupid or corrupt. Otherwise, when all the reasonable
people quit politics, we’ll only have ourselves to blame.
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