As for the rest of 2017, here's a couple more helpful lists:-
- Spain's Most Beautiful Villages from El País.
- Ten Brilliant Ways to Enjoy Winter in Spain from The Local.
- Resolutions for Enjoying Life in Spain in 2017, also from The Local.
So, I went to Vigo yesterday essentially to close an account at one bank and to set up direct debits with my new bank. The former was quick and easy, necessitating 'only' recitation of my ID number and access code, plus sight of my passport and my official residence letter. The latter task involved the photocopying of a lot of bills, the signing of these and much form-filling and signing. Which took quite some time. I couldn't refrain from commenting this could have all been done on the phone in the UK. Which might well be true.
Thereafter, I went for lunch to a Peruvian restaurant called Kero. My not-very-positive-review of this will shortly appear on Tripadvisor.
At 3.45, I decided to visit the Museum of Contemporary Art, only to find that - unlike Pontevedra's museum and art gallery - this sticks to the traditional Spanish split day. And so was closed until 5. Which I wasn't willing to wait for, as I'm not a great fan of its contents. Especially the huge light-fitting made entirely of tampons that featured there last time I visited it. Admittedly several years ago.
Anyway, here's the view as you come down the stairs or escalator at Vigo's newish Urzaiz train station.
The no. 2 platform is on the other side of platform 1, accessed by a separate set of stairs or escalator. It put me in mind of the bizarre platform sequence at Pontevedra station, which goes something like 3, 6, 1, 4, 8. Not that you'd know this from the plan on the web page of the relevant company, Adif.
By the way . . . You might like to know that, if you're leaving this station, as you turn right at the top of the stairs/escalator, there's a concrete column which comes up from the left at a 45 degree angle. If you're texting as you walk, it's quite possible to meet this with your head. I imagine . . .
Today's cartoon . . .
BREXIT: Here's one commentator's solution to the issues that have arisen . . .
Europe could engineer a second referendum: Philip Collins
If Germany and
France want to test Britain’s resolve to leave they should offer us
a root and branch reform of the EU
Today is the start of
Epiphany. The story of Boris, Liam and David, the three kings bearing
gifts, enchants children the world over. It has been immortalised in
The Epiphany by Hieronymus Bosch. In some traditions “king’s
cake”, a rich, dense, typically English fruitcake, is eaten on
Twelfth Night. In the British version of the tale the cake is both
eaten and not eaten. Epiphany, the striking manifestation of the new,
is a moment for everyone involved in the European Union debate to
stop and start again as if nothing has happened.
Indeed, nothing is
exactly what has happened so far, as Sir Ivan Rogers pointed out in
his parting shot as Britain’s ambassador to the European Union. “I
have unclasp’d to thee the book even of my secret soul”, as
Shakespeare wrote in Twelfth Night. In this case, the secret soul was
contained in an email in which Sir Ivan accused the government of
lacking a plan. His accusation matters more than his resignation and
he is right to complain about the lack of progress. In truth, the
only way out of this mess is to have two deals, not one: the deal Sir
Ivan failed to negotiate for David Cameron and the deal Sir Tim
Barrow will now negotiate to leave the European Union.
The resignation of the
British ambassador 11 months before he was due to go is an important
event of the second order. But how perfectly it dramatised the
boring, stuck-record nature of the European argument. For anyone
reasonably disposed to the EU he was Ivan the Great. For anyone keen
to leave he was Ivan the Terrible. Every event licenses the
protagonist to remind us of an established view. It’s no wonder
that Pavlov’s first name was Ivan. The EU referendum is becoming
the original sin of British politics, from which every action of the
fallen creatures can be traced. Before Twelfth Night turns into the
thirteenth day all parties to this corrosive debate should pause.
If the prime minister
wants to secure the unity that was her fond wish in her new year
message, then she needs to give a substantive speech on her
objectives for negotiation. The leading advocates on the Leave and
the Remain sides need to stop dusting down the old arguments over
every set of economic data. Change, for good or ill, will come
glacially. The most vital epiphany of all, though, will have to come
from beyond these island shores, from the leaders of the EU itself.
Imagine how different
the argument would be if the EU suddenly granted the deal that Sir
Ivan Rogers was unable to secure for David Cameron. The EU is far
from the best of health. A single currency invented to encourage
economic convergence has left no way to reduce the debts in southern
Europe other than to cut spending to the bone. The scale of youth
unemployment is staggering and shaming. Not surprisingly, lots of
people have taken the opportunity to work elsewhere but the
impeccable logic of allowing labour to follow where capital flows is
not appreciated by the native populations of the host countries. The
siren voices of protectionism, a danger-in-waiting rather than a
solution, can already be heard and Britain’s departure will hardly
help. Europe produces a quarter of global GDP but commits half of the
world’s social spending.
Serious leadership in
Europe would recognise this now. During the British referendum
campaign it was regularly suggested, as Tim Shipman reminds us in his
definitive account All Out War, that leaving the EU would be the best
tactic to give Britain the greatest leverage. Boris Johnson wrote an
article appearing to have had this epiphany and then had to write
another withdrawing it. More than one Tory MP who argued for Leave
said the same to me. They actively wanted a second referendum on
terms gained by a manifest threat. Why doesn’t Angela Merkel test
their resolve? If she doesn’t, and if he wins the French
presidential race, François Fillon may. A reform epiphany is not out
of the question in France.
There is a template on
the table. Take David Cameron’s Bloomberg speech from January 23,
2013 and enact the job lot. The EU should now instigate the fiscal
integration required for the 19 members of the eurozone but create
secure, second-tier guarantees for the EU members who are not. There
should be a bonfire of vanity projects and labour market burdens. The
EU budget should be tilted towards growth and away from agriculture.
The commission should
be reduced in scope and size. The EU should establish a review of
everything it does on the fine European principle of subsidiarity —
that power should reside at the lowest possible level. This should be
accompanied by symbolic transfers of power back to national
governments, as set out in the Laeken declaration in 2001. Freedom of
movement should be suspended pending a thoroughgoing reform. A target
date should be set for the completion of the single market in
services, energy and digital. On this revised basis, of a more
flexible, variegated EU, Britain should be extended the offer to
continue its membership of the single market, with all its
privileges.
Thus far the response
from the EU to Britain’s exit has been two parts insouciant to one
part cavalier. But imagine if defenders of the EU, here and
elsewhere, started taking its deficiencies seriously enough to fix
them. Then suppose that all the benefits of this revised EU were
offered to Britain just so long as we remained a member. Simultaneous
with this process, Theresa May and Sir Tim Barrow will negotiate the
best exit deal they can manage. Ministers will prepare for Britain to
leave the EU, as they were instructed to do last June. Then, when the
two plans are ready, they will be put, as rivals, to the British
people in a referendum.
There would be no
justified cry of betrayal because Leave would be on the ballot paper,
in the specific form of a deal. So would an alternative that provided
what many of the advocates of leaving claimed to want. This would
allow unrepentant Remainers to argue for an outcome that was neither
a denial of the referendum result nor a fantasy. This would not be
June 23 redux. It would be a new start.
The very possibility,
which is not likely, is in the hands of EU leaders. The alternative,
as Sir Ivan pointed out, may work well for nobody. “O time, thou
must untangle this, not I. It is too hard a knot for me t’untie”.
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